By Hannes Lacher
Hannes Lacher provides a brand new serious social idea of diplomacy that integrates sociology, background and political geography to appreciate the formation and improvement of recent foreign relations.
Far from implying a go back to state-centrist Realism, this crucial new quantity leads us in the direction of a severe social conception of diplomacy that questions the present conceptions of the trendy overseas political financial system as a set of nationally bounded areas extra essentially than ever prior to. It additionally indicates us that capitalist modernity itself was once, from the start, characterised by way of the dualism of world fiscal integration and the fragmentation of political area, which really stems from the divergent origins of capitalism and territorial sovereignty.
This booklet could be of serious curiosity to al scholars of ancient sociology, political geography, diplomacy and political science.
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Additional resources for Beyond Globalization: Capitalism, Territoriality and the International Relations of Modernity
Though the concrete causality of social processes and even epochal transformations can never be reduced to economic and technological sources, the forces and relations of production nevertheless, in the ﬁnal analysis, operate as the underlying dynamic motor of history – much like Weber’s process of ‘rationalization’, which is not itself conceived of as cause, in fact assumes the status of meta-cause whose historical eﬀectiveness underneath all the multi-causal interaction ultimately gives Weber’s history its direction.
The separation of politics and economics The historical materialist perspective developed so far provides the basis for a conceptualization of capitalism that rests neither on a mono-causal economic Modernity, historicity, epochal theory 35 determinism nor on the vacuous and ahistorical methodological pluralism of much of IPE and social theory. Moreover, it should have become clear by this point that the use of the term ‘capitalism’ as an epochal concept does not commit us to an economistic perspective on social life.
Similarly, Martin Albrow, despite his own misgivings regarding Weber’s evolutionary conceptualization of historical development, rejects any attempt to explain historical change through economistic models: the ‘impetus for change may originate equally in religion as in the economy, in disease as in ideas. To this extent, Weber’s multiple factor account remains intact’ (1996: 19). I will not defend the merits of economism and mono-causal explanations (for there are none), if this is meant to imply that ‘economic factors’ alone account for social, political and cultural outcomes, or are the sole source of historical change.